The recent victory of BJP in MP, Chattisgarh and Rajasthan (Dec. 2003) is being attributed to development issues taken up by BJP in these states. Many a commentators have opined that now BJP is coming out of the grip of Hindutva and is focusing on the much-needed development issues. These comments are coming even at a time when the scars of Gujarat carnage, the Modi’s victory on the Hindutva plank are fresh in our minds. Is there a change in the track of BJP and is it that it is now going to give up Hindutva as the goal and program of its politics?

The first point, which is striking in the current scene, is that in the states where BJP has raised the BSP (Bijali, Sadak, Pani) issues are the one’s where Congress Governments have been ruling. The social development is a multifactor issue and the ruling Governments’ especially in Rajasthan and MP were focusing on ‘soft development’ like education and health. One can concede that the 'hard development', like roads and electricity, were not as much on the priority of those Governments. Did the electorate not register these facts of social policy of the ruling Governments? Did the voters feel that it is BJP, which can solve their problems? One has witnessed enough of BJP rule to say that BJP Government’s. have hardly concentrated on the developments in a serious way. Despite the projection of ‘Resurgent Gujarat’ by its shrewd Chief minister, one knows that Gujarat is definitely slipping down in the social development indices. BJP is not a party for which the issue of development matters in a serious way.

Even in these states overt and covert attempt to project Hindutva were present all through. Uma Bharati tried to raise the issue of Bhojshala, Togadia of trishul diksha etc. It is another matter that both these were nipped in the bud. The whole paraphernalia of Sangh Parivar did campaign on the supposedly Hindutva issues. The door-to-door campaigns gave that message and the leaflets accompanying the voter’s cards were accompanied by the messages from the Hindu Jagran manch and from the horde of brother organisations of BJP. This party has a distinct advantage that being the political child of RSS, other progeny of RSS is ever ready and in full preparation to supplement the BJP’s actions, especially those that should be inviting the censure of election commission, those related to its use of naked communal issues in the election campaigns. Since these organizations do not talk the direct language of electoral politics, they escape the wrath of auditor of the electoral process, the election commission.

One major factor contributing to BJP victory has been the social engineering and co-opting sections of Adiviasis to Sangh Parivar (SP) fold. Amongst Adivasis, Vanvasis Kalyan Ashrams have been engaged in Hinduising and Hindutvaising them. It is likely that a combination of various factors is resulting in Adivasis succumbing to the designs of RSS. Many an Adiviasi do ape the upper castes and tend to give in to SP designs. This Sankritisation process, which is based on identity politics, is the major weapon of SP which has been pressed in to operation from last many years. In addition the fragmentation of Dalit movement is the other major factor due to which many a dalits also succumb to the guiles of Hindutva politics. Hindutva, anti-minoritism is the basic signature of this politics, accompanies BJP like the network of cell phone companies, trying to reach the customer destinations as far as possible.

The issue of BSP is mere incidental as for as BJP electoral propaganda and plank is concerned. In a clever manner it is capable of utilizing even the development issue into its pantheon without meaning it. Where it was in power, Gujarat, it used Hindutva, i.e. threat of minorities, that's what is the obvious face of this politics. In these states since the anti incumbency was present, it decided to use this also as the launching pad for victory. The strategy was to combine overt development issues with covert Hindutva message, and that being supplemented by clever social engineering, cooption of Adivasis. BJP, which was formed on the plank of Gandhian socialism, did adopt this slogan at a time when both these words had prestige and social acceptability. In due course BJP found that these pretensions are not leading it far. And in the post Shah Bano period it latched on to the aggressive Hindutva to ride the chariot of electoral power. The dumping of Gandhian Socialism, was so clever that it could not even be noticed by the society. It could whip up the sentiments of sections of Hindus. It went hammer and tongs on the path of Hindu fundamentalism and raised practically every non-essential issue. The Mandal commission implementation gave it an opportunity to further consolidate sections of upper caste and affluent upper classes around its agenda and politics. The issues it selected to project depended on the context and every time a subtle message was inherent in those for appeal to the sections, which are its major support base. The opposition to Mandal did not come in the direct form but in the parallel projection of Ram Temple. It was said that as ‘they brought forward Mandal so we have brought Kamandal’ (The issue of caste being opposed by subtle religiosity). Occasionally it was asserted that Muslims are our flesh and blood, at the same time the issues, which can torment the Muslim minorities, were propped up.

Aggressive Nationalism is the other major plank, which always accompanies the BJP propaganda. It is essentially a political wing of RSS, which is wedded to the concept of Hindu Rashtra, a concept totally opposed to the secular democratic India as envisioned in our constitution. It is worth recalling here that the greatest Hindu of 20th Century Mahatma Gandhi neither supported the idea of Hindutva nor the goal of Hindu Rashtra. Hindu rashtra is the one, which exists here from last 5-8000 years in this land according to this assertion. The social hierarchical values of caste and gender are the core of Hindu Rashtra. India as a Nation in the making is the totally opposite concept in which the transformation of caste and gender hierarchy accompanies the social development. Accordingly SP aims at status quo to begin with and to reverse the social transformation achieved during last decades if possible. This requires coming to electoral power. The methods adopted for this have been emotional appeal of Ram Temple, supplemented by anti minority rhetoric. Depending on circumstances, the other issues are roped in for purely tactical reasons and this will be needed only till BJP is brought in to majority on its own, after which the development issue will no more be necessary as it is counterproductive to the process of status quo. And it is an incidental matter as for this political outfit is concerned. Time and over again the top leaders of BJP do take care to ensure that their message of Hindutva is not lost, their primary loyalty to RSS and its agenda is reiterated. It is in this context that some of them will assert that primarily they are swayamsewaks (RSS volunteers) or that Ram temple will be built. The division of labor in the Sangh Parivar further ensures the needed ‘balance’ is always kept. If Vajpayee can not talk about Hindutva, Togadia will precede or follow him, if Advani cannot talk the language of Hate Muslims directly, Ashok Singhal will do the job, if Murali Manohar Joshi cannot spew the poison against Christian missionaries, Dilip Sigh Judeo will supplement that.

The coming times are going to be more crucial as far as electoral battles are concerned. The BJP led NDA coalition is going to suffer from the incumbency factor, the people’s frustration with decling jobs, economic travails and all that. A right mix of Hindutva and development will be devised for that occasion and efforts will be made to have good of both the worlds, sacred and profane, to ride back to power. It depends on secular, plural forces to see if they can pull up their socks to put all their might together to ensure that the subtle agenda of retrograde politics called Hindutva is halted in its tracks in the right time. It is high time, that by sinking all the differences and egos, all those committed to upholding the values of pluralism come together. It is imperative that we chart a course which ensures that all types of communalism is pushed back and the central issues of bread, butter and shelter are taken in the right earnest, not just for electoral victories but to ensure their real implementation.